an inter(cultural)view

[originally posted for Dr. Rice 10 March 2013]

A few Saturday afternoons ago I sat down in the back room of a local coffee shop with two women from two of the largest cities in Saudi Arabia. Their children amused themselves (for the most part quietly) at the table next to us as we discussed differences between our cultures, expectations, traditions, and educational systems. Eptihaj and Hafsah have been in Texas for less than a year studying English at ELS-Lubbock. Both women represent the relative majority at ELS; a large portion of students there are also Saudi. Eptihaj is from Riyadh, the kingdom's capital. Hafsah comes from Jeddah, an economic hub on the coast of the Red Sea. The two women have come here with their families first to learn English, and then to hopefully work towards graduate degrees in Art and Chemistry. I spoke with them and asked questions about their experiences as Saudi women in a small West Texas city, with a goal of finding out how their backgrounds and travels and studies have affected their values. Though the experiences of these women are unique, there are ways we can use the insights from Eptihaj and Hafsah and their intercultural experiences to better understand the many learning processes that go on when two very different cultures interact.

Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

I have come to know Eptihaj and Hafsah and a few of their fellow students relatively well since first visiting ELS. They seem comfortable with me and very willing to share their opinions and goals. They were proud to describe the customs of their cities an country. But along with their defenses of Saudi culture, these women both expressed a goal to return from their time in the US and contribute to the changes and progress that they see happening in Saudi Arabia. Eptihaj and Hafsah expect to go back to Saudi Arabia and make their homeland and native cities better than they were before. They earnestly do want to change things... but not too much.

This brief essay will draw on selections from my interview with these two Saudi women as well as other relevant scholarship on the complexities of Saudi Arabian culture. I have included five short clips from our long conversation in the coffee shop. Eptihaj and Hafsah add authentic, personal voices to this discussion. Broad theoretical understandings of cultural differences should not replace an opportunity to interact with real people from new and foreign places.


Eptihaj and Hafsah identify strongly with their culture as a whole. They told me they did not feel very different at all from other Saudi Arabians They share the same values and practices of their fellow Saudis. It surprised me that these women seemed so unwilling to distinguish themselves as separate or different from others of their nationality. However, according to the cultural dimension surveys done by Geert Hofstede, Saudi Arabia generally demonstrates a highly collectivist culture (94).  The women I interviewed also seem to reflect this collectivism.

Many scholars have observed just how much Saudi Arabia has changed and will need to change in order to keep up with other developed nations, particularly when it comes to gender relations and equality. Hanan Al-Ahmadi relates that "Due to globalization forces, Saudi Arabia has witnessed major changes during the past few decades." She notes in particular that "women [have been] taking more responsibility in public spheres and occupying higher positions in organizations" (150). Changes in the responsibilities women are allowed and expected to share have meant new and different opportunities for them. In the article "Saudi Women and the Muslim State in the Twenty-First Century," Nora Alarifi Pharaon explains, "In a modern industrial and increasingly technological economy, women have to play an adaptable role. They have to take up jobs to ensure a comfortable family life particularly given the increasing demand made on the family and available economic opportunities" (356). Though circumstances are changing for many women in Saudi Arabia, it remains a place with very strong traditions based in a powerful and dominant religion. However, the pervasive norms of Saudi culture are not always explicitly based on Muslim principles. As Amani Hamdan writes, "Cultural customs that deny women equality have become entrenched in the Muslim culture to the point where they are often accepted as Islamic rules. Yet, many of the customs or rules adhered to today cannot be found in Islamic texts (for example, the belief that women should not drive cars or that women should not pursue Law or Engineering)" (54). Many of these customs are being challenged by Saudis and others who see a double standard in the way men and women are treated in Saudi Arabia. In the face of such complex discussions surrounding the role of women in public affairs, education, and government, Eptihaj and Hafsah also recognize the ways their country can seem resistant to change. However, both women see the possibilities for change and acknowledge the potential benefits of different ways of life.


Saudi men and women are treated differently and prepared for very different roles based on the importance of the family. Pharaon notes the value of the family order, explaining how "The extensive family laws of the Quran specify for the Muslim female some basic rights of social status and economic competence, but the law’s intent lies largely with the preservation of the family order, not the promulgation of male or female individual rights" (355). Pharaon also explains, "It is the mother who transmits the cultural and religious traditions that reinforce solidarity and loyalty to the family. It is not surprising that there has been such strong resistance, from men and women alike, to change in women’s roles" (358). Any perceived threat to these important familial roles will most likely be dismissed.

Eptihaj and Hafsah explained the tradition of segregation in Saudi Arabia as a practice designed for the benefit of young women, and neither of them seem to consider such segregation a problem. According to Hamdan, segregation and the rules for women's dress aren't necessarily detrimental. She writes, "Islamic hijab is never an impediment to women’s participation in any educational experience" (57). In fact, for Eptihaj and Hafsah segregation makes more sense. Studying here in Texas, both women sometimes feel shy and uncomfortable speaking in front of the Saudi men at ELS.


Differences between men and women in Saudi Arabia are apparent in the kingdom's educational systems. Segregation is an accepted part of life, and with such strict separation comes some inequality--for the most part also accepted.  In Salwa Al-Khateeb's "Muslim Women's Perception of Equality: Case Study of Saudi Women," the women interviewed "assumed that equality between the sexes is something impossible and thought of men's domesticity as being against Saudi norms. Thus, they would never dream of it" (122). Women's access to higher education in Saudi Arabia is not a recent development but there are still obstacles of inequality that could be holding women back from the opportunities men are provided. Hamdan relates that "the original purpose of female education ... was to make women good wives and mothers, and to prepare them for ‘acceptable’ jobs such as teaching and nursing that were believed to suit their nature" (44). Hafsah, with her goal of studying Chemistry at Texas Tech University, will be contributing to changes, and perhaps improvements, in women's higher education.  Hamdan stresses that women's education "will be vital to the economic survival of the country in years to come" (45).

Eptihaj and Hafsah also note that US education for children is stronger and more effective. Eptihaj also adds how much she hopes to improve education in Saudi Arabia when she goes back. She has seen many areas that could be improved. Even if Eptihaj does not find it easy or worthwhile to model Saudi Arabian higher education on the US system, the skills and experience she gains here will be valuable for her family and her future career. Saudi women have an increasingly influential role in the public sphere. Hamdan problematizes this fact, recognizing that more education is not always used on the side of progress. In reality, the educational system can also reinforce the status quo. Hamdan writes, "Women’s role in education in Saudi Arabia’s conservative society, instead of serving as a tool for social change, serves as a force for conservation. Education entrenches and supports the prevailing class and gender structures and conforms to socio-economic and political expectations, and control mechanisms" (60). The educational journey of any Saudi woman will involve navigating the sometimes conflicting pulls between established norms and the pressures of globalization.


The strong collectivist attitudes toward the traditions and norms of Saudi Arabian culture can make approaching the many differences between US and Saudi attitudes complex. Hamdan recognizes that "Women’s issues in Saudi society and the gender inequalities that are obvious in its education system are institutionalised and difficult to dislodge through individual action" (45). The interactions of diverse global perspectives will undoubtedly mean change for individuals, groups, and nations. My interview with Eptihaj and Hafsah hinted at ways their attitudes have been effected by their time in the US. At the end of our interview Hafsah and Eptihaj asked me what I thought about their culture. What had I heard, before I met them? What did I think of when I imagined their country and the women who lived there? Plenty of scholars have asked these kinds of questions. Smeeta Mishra surveyed representations of Saudi women in the American press, concluding that "Instead of bringing out the complexities of their lives, the American press advocated both explicitly and implicitly that Saudi women should follow Western values and lifestyle" (272). Similarly noting the simplified way US media portray Saudi culture, Pharaon notes, "Although women in the Middle East have been portrayed by Westerners either as silent shadows, or as helpless victims of suppressive customs and traditions unable to organize or form groups on their own and for themselves, the picture is gradually changing" (363). Hafsah, Eptihaj, and I talked about these unflattering representations, about oppression and inequality, and my Saudi friends were quick to re-explain and defend their way of life. They chose this. They and other Saudi women felt like queens, supported financially and morally. From my several conversations with these and other Saudi women, they seem happy and fulfilled, working towards goals they seem excited and positive about. Studying at ELS-Lubbock and learning what it's like to live in Texas, may bring Hafsah and Eptihaj towards seeing their own culture with new eyes. My experience meeting and learning from these two women, and the other students at ELS, has helped me see Saudi culture more complexly, too.




WORKS CITED

Al-Ahmadi, Hanan. "Challenges facing women leaders in Saudi Arabia." Human Resource Development International 14.2 (2011): 149–166.

Al-Khateeb, Salwa Abdel Hameed. "Muslim Women's Perception of Equality: Case Study of Saudi Women." Mediterranean Quarterly 9.2 (1998): 110-132.

Hamdan, Amani. "Women and education in Saudi Arabia: Challenges and achievements." International Education Journal 6.1 (2005): 42-64.

Hofstede, Geert, G. J. Hofstede and M. Minkov. Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind. NY: Mcgraw-Hill, 2010.

Kflout, Hafsah. Personal interview. 23 February 2013.

Eptihaj. Personal interview. 23 February 2013.

Mishra, Smeeta. "'Liberation' vs. 'Purity': Representations of Saudi Women in the American Press and American Women in the Saudi Press." The Howard Journal of Communications, 18.3 (2007): 259-276.

Pharaon, Nora Alarifi. "Saudi Women and the Muslim State in the Twenty-First Century" Sex Roles 51.5-6 (2004): 349-366.